During the period of first World War the goal of achieving swaraj within the Empire in the form of Dominion States for India continued with a question mark. The trend of attacks on bureaucratic wrongs became sharper after the promulgation of the Rowlatt Act, and the occurrence of Jalianwala Bagh Tragedy in 1919. However, the adoption of Gandhiji's thesis Non-cooperation marked clear departure from the past and so some eminent leaders left the Congress in protest and resentment. Obviously the Congress Presidential addresses relating to this touch the two extremes of pre-and post-World War I phases; while the former is known for being quite dull and passive, the latter, in the worlds of Nehru, is known for being active on account of keeping people "in a state of suppressed excitement. The first World War broke out in 1914 and the Congress liberals offered full co-operation to the Raj with the hope that after its termination India would be granted self-rule that would made her an integral part of the British Empire. Part I of this book deals with Indian National Congress Presidential Addresses (1915-1922) and Part Ii explains British Colonial Interpretations and Pronouncements.

The old trend of admiring the British Raj and aspiring for India's independence with the Empire became more feeble and had its final termination in 1929 when the Lahore Congress reiterated the goal of purna swarja (complete independence) adopted two years ago. The case of Dominion Status for India witnessed its last affirmation in the address of Pandit Motilal Nehru delivered at the Calcutta Congress (1928). The wave of Gandhi's mass movement overshadowed the path of constitutionalism. The Simon Commission saw is nation-wide boycott in 1928 and the three Round Table Conferences of 1930, 1931 and 1932 failed to yield dividends. The provisions of the white paper of 1933 and of the Act of 1935 that was based upon them were widely condemned. For certain tactical reasons the Congress decided to contest elections under the Act of 1935. The working of the Congress ministries in 8 out of 11 provinces (1937-39) showed that in the face of numerous hurdles created by an arrogant and a hostile bureaucracy, the Congress leaders could make a good experiment with the working of parliamentary democracy. Finally, the success of the Quit India movement (1942-44) demonstrated that the progress of the freedom struggle could not be checked by any measure of repressive policy. It forced the British rulers to convert their policy of 'divide and rule' into the strategy of 'divide and quit.' First part of this book deals with the Indian National Congress Presidential Addresses (1923-1946) and the second part covers the theme of British Colonial Interpretations and Pronouncements.

The history of the Indian freedom movement is mainly the history of the Indian National Congress that represented and reflected the real will of the people of the country. It is evident from their refutable fact that people belonging to all parts of the country and professing different faiths and creeds joined this national organization to take part in the, freedom struggle and serve the country in the best possible manner. However in opposition to this trend of progressive and constructive nationalism, some other trends of a sectarian and communal nature also grew which the editor has tried to include in different volumes with a view to maintain, as far as possible, the unity of a particular trend. A section of the Indian Muslim intelligentsia ridiculed and denigrated the aims and objects of the Indian National Congress from the very beginning and took to the ways of isolationism and exclusivism that led to the intensification of the trend of sectarianism and communalism in the politics of the freedom movement of India. The subject matter has been arranged in following four volumes: 1. Muslim League Speaks (19906-1925) 2. Muslim League Speaks (1926-1947) 3. Muslim League on Separate Electorates and Nehru Report 4. Muslim Nationalist and nationalist Muslim.

The subject of international affairs is concerned with the study of diplomatic history of the leading states of Europe uptil World War I. The focus is confined to the role of some major powers like Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Situation changed after World War I when the United States of America abandoned its policy of so-called splendid isolationism and instead took to the course of cautious and calculated involvement in the affairs of Europe and activised its role in affairs of the Far East with greater vigour. The establishment of a Communist state in Russia emerged as a new factor what was denigrated by the capitalist powers as the creation of the Second World. Situation further changed after the World War Ii when a very large number of nation-states came into being in the Asian, African and Latin-American region whose collective entity is now denigrated by the capitalist powers as the Third World. Naturally what were European affairs in the pre- 1918 era now became international affairs In the real sense of the term. A documentary study of such an important subject bears testimony to it. The First Twelve Volumes of present monumental work are devoted to: Vol. 1 First World War Vol. 2 Close of the War and Treaty of Versailles Vol. 3 Treaty of St. Germain and Neuilly Vol. 4 Treaties of Sevres and Lausanne Vol. 5 Paris Peace Settlement -A Summing Up Vol. 6 Phase of Pacification, 1920-30 Vol. 7 Soviet Diplomacy, 1917-20 Vol. 8 Soviet Diplomacy, 1921-24 Vol. 9 Soviet Diplomacy, 1925-27 Vol. 10 Soviet Diplomacy, 1928-35 Vol. 11 Soviet Diplomacy, 1936-39 Vol. 12 Soviet Diplomacy, 1939-41